This is it, Adam, that grieves me; and the spirit of my father, which I think is within me, begins to mutiny against this servitude, I will no longer endure it,âŚ
– As You Like It
__________
I never had any interest in World War I or World War II movies when I was growing up. Being âjust a kidâ I had no idea why I didnât like such movies; all I knew was that the World War I and II movies bored me. I liked Westerns, swashbuckler movies, Robin Hood, Fighting OâFlynn, etc., but not the modern World War movies. Now, looking back, I realize that I didnât like the modern war movies because in modern war, as Churchill pointed out, âThere is no room for chivalry.â There are brave men in all wars, but in the 20th century World Wars the machines and the conglomerate mass of troops took precedence over the individual. Which is why the exceptions, such as Sergeant York and Marshal Rommel stand out so starkly. In mechanized wars devoid of chivalry a non-mechanized hero is very rare.
Which brings me by a roundabout route to the very unchivalric figure of Adolph Hitler. The most damning thing that can be said about Hitler is not the usual thing. Hitlerâs greatest sin was that he used that which was of the spirit, a manâs race, for selfish, material ends. He was a sneering, cynical blasphemer, which â whether they choose to acknowledge him or not â makes him one of the liberalsâ own. Hitler, like a phony spiritualist, cynically played with forces he found useful but of which he had no deep understanding. The Nazi scientists who professed to have scientific proof of the superiority of the Aryan blood were like the liberals who stole a consecrated host, subjected it to a laboratory analysis, and then proclaimed the host was only bread. As if God would permit His divine essence to be seen by blaspheming liberals. âBut he answered and said unto them, An evil and adulterous generation seeketh after a sign; and there shall no sign be given to it, but the sign of the prophet Jonasâ â Matthew 12:39. The Nazis wanted a material sign to prove their superiority, just as the liberals thought the absence of a sign — that is, no blood found in the host — was material proof of Godâs non-existence.
Hitlerâs racial myth of the Aryansâ scientifically, certifiably biological superiority obscured the truth about race that every antique European knew: skin color is of the spirit, not the science lab. By tampering with things spiritual for a material end, Hitler made any attempt by white men in the post World War II era to defend themselves as a race seem like something evil. Catholic theologians shrilly denounced âracialismâ and proclaimed, âThe defense of Western civilization has nothing to do with race.â Conservative thinkers and politicians wrote long tomes about defending democracy against the communists, but never thought it necessary to write about the necessity of defending the white race against mongrelization from within and third world barbarism from without. And the best the Southern partisans could come up with was, âThe North was always more prejudiced than we were.â What happened in Germany was what happened in Narnia: a false god was set up (the biologically superior Aryan) who made people unable to believe in the real, divinely sanctioned, spiritual division of the races.
Tirian had never dreamed that one of the results of an Apeâs setting up a false Aslan would be to stop people from believing in the real one. He had felt quite sure that the Dwarfs would rally to his side the moment he showed them how they had been deceived. And then next night he would have led them to Stable Hill and shown Puzzle to all the creatures and everyone would have turned against the Ape and, perhaps after a scuffle with the Calormenes, the whole thing would have been over. But now, it seemed, he could count on nothing. How many other Narnians might turn the same way as the Dwarfs?
A Christian European wandering through the literature of post-war conservatism looks in vain for a defense of the white people as a distinct people with a divine mission. He echoes Tirian and asks, âHow many other white Europeans might turn out to be like the white-hating liberals?â The answer is that the entire white, upper echelon of conservative intellectuals took refuge in universals. They defended Western civilization by defending theories of economics, theories of government, theories of religion, and theories of humanity, but they did not defend their own people, who were, and are, the Christ-bearing people. It was left to the outcast men like Anthony Jacob to defend and champion the people whom the conservatives were unwilling to defend and whom the liberals were determined to eradicate from the face of the earth.
The dogma of European conservatives is that World War I gave communism a home in Russia, and World War II made Europe safe for communism. Both observations are true. But I would argue that World War II gave birth to something far more devastating than the communist menace. In the aftermath of World War II a new type of European leader came into being. This new European leader was really a non-leader because he no longer professed a connection to the European people. He was an abstract leader of an abstract people. And itâs no good to say that the people donât need a leader, because they do. Great movements are always initiated by a spiritual elite. If there is no spiritual elite to renew the peoplesâ âancient heartâ the people will wander in darkness and be a reed for every modern ill wind that blows. This was the truly devastating blow wrought by World War II: the white leaders, who should have defended their race and guided their people, abandoned them, to be demonized by the liberals and slaughtered by the colored barbarians, because they were afraid to be called racist.
The apostasy of the white European leaders was so universal and so unprecedented that we really should consider their moral apostasy as occurring in a new era called the A.A.H. era â After Adolph Hitler. When the white people emerge from their Babylonian night (and we donât know the day nor the hour of that emergence), it will be under the leadership of Europeans who are genuine Europeans, men who are not afraid to love their own people above all other people, even if that means they are stigmatized as stupid and bigoted.
I once, in my late twenties, got to visit a conservative writer whom I admired. At that time, I was just beginning to see the importance of the race issue. I asked the conservative leader why he never mentioned the ongoing colored assault on the white race. His answer was quite revealing. He told me that he would never be published again if he even hinted that the complete integration of blacks and other minorities into Western culture was not a consummation devoutly to be wished for. And despite the fact that he thought the race issue was of vital importance â âThe survival of the West depends on the survival of the white manâ â this great conservative thinker wrote nothing about it for the remaining 27 years of his life. My idol had feet of clay: he lacked a heart that truly loved. No genuine European forsakes his people for the applause and money of the hard-hearted rulers of Liberaldom. If conservatism isnât about conserving our people, then how can we call it conservative? A conservatism that is not racial conservatism is liberalism on a slow train, in contrast to mad-dog liberalism which is liberalism on an express train. But both trains are headed for Babylon.
It pains me to see white people performing the conservative tasks of good citizens. They support their local schools, send their sons, and now their daughters as well, into the military, and peacefully abide by the results of anti-white elections. These are the acts of men and women who have lost their way; they need leaders with ancient hearts to show them the way. A people should only be conservative when their government is conservative. Once their government has gone over to the Jacobins, Europeans with faithful European hearts should be counter-revolutionaries and oppose every action that assists the international revolutionary government of the United States, of England, of France, and so on. Our hearts belong to a white Christian nation; if our government is committed to a colored nation of no faith, or, as is more likely, a multitude of non-Christian faiths, we should oppose such a government with our whole heart and soul. âWhat are we supposed to be conserving?â is the question. If the answer is not âour people,â then we have no choice; we must fight to the knife. If you tell me that such an extreme response to liberalism is unwarranted or impractical, I will tell you that the liberals and their barbarian allies seek our blood. Extreme measures to protect our people are neither unwarranted nor impractical. Quite the contrary, nothing is more impractical than surrendering to a merciless enemy without even putting up a fight. The old leaders, the âsystems analystâ conservatives, were pygmy-hearted men who were willing to stand by and see their people perish so long as their systems survived. That era, the A.A.H. era, is now over. It is time for the European men with ancient hearts and a passionate love for their people to come to this battlefield.
Strong passion under the direction of a feeble reason feeds a low fever, which serves only to destroy the body that entertains it. But vehement passion does not always indicate an infirm judgment. It often accompanies, and actuates, and is even auxiliary to, a powerful understanding; and when they both conspire and act harmoniously, their force is great to destroy disorder within and to repel injury from abroad. If ever there was a time that calls on us for no vulgar conception of things, and for exertions in no vulgar strain, it is the awful hour that Providence has now appointed to this nation. Every little measure is a great errour; and every great errour will bring on no small ruin. Nothing can be directed above the mark that we must aim at. Every thing below it is absolutely thrown away. â Letters on a Regicide Peace
The history of the European people runs parallel with the ancient Hebrews. When we stay provincial, connected to a personal God through our kith and kin, we strive as a people. When God becomes an impersonal abstraction, the byproduct of a theologianâs brain, and our people become cannon fodder for an always elusive, abstract, future utopia, we cease to be a people. We become wandering phantoms who come to life only to worship and serve the colored races. This is not the work that we were born to do. The spirit of our ancestors bids us rise up and throw off the liberalsâ yoke. And with Christâs help, the provincial Christ of the European hearth, we shall rise up and burn the liberalsâ altars, which are consecrated to their colored gods, and reclaim our own again. +